Climate Change Impacts and Adaptation Efforts in Vietnam Le Minh NHAT PhD Director of Climate Change Adaptation Division – DMHCC – MONRE E mail : email@example.com MINISTRY OF NATURAL RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENT DEPARTMENT OF METEOROLOGY, HYDROLOGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE 2 Outline 1. Climate change in Viet Nam 2. Adaptation Policies and Adaptation Measures
Archive for August, 2017
“In a tale of two life experiences, Mike Hoffmann went to Vietnam for the first time in 47 years: On his first tour of duty, he was a 19-year-old U.S. Marine, and for the March 2016 trip, Hoffmann returned as an environmental scientist.
“Vietnam is in the bull’s eye when it comes to climate change,” said Hoffmann, professor of entomology and executive director of the Cornell Institute for Climate Change and Agriculture, who explained that a rising sea level – for a country with 2,000 miles of coastline – presents a major environmental and food security challenge, especially in the Mekong River Delta region where 22 percent of the population lives and about half of the country’s food is produced.Farmers are seeing the changes and to paraphrase a scientist there, Hoffmann said, “There are no climate change deniers in Vietnam.”
Ho Chi Minh City opened its first street food zone in District 1 on Monday as part of the district’s acclaimed efforts to clean up its sidewalks. If you hadn’t already heard, the campaign is taking a zero-tolerance approach to remove cars, bikes, vendors and structures that invade the sidewalks and rob pedestrians of their space. The first zone on Nguyen Van Chiem Street has been designated for low-income vendors who will not have to pay a fee to sell their goods in the zone. Each of the 20 stalls takes up
“Hanoi (VNA) – The Hanoi Social Insurance has decided to publicise 500 local enterprises which failed to pay social premiums for their employees for three months upwards. Hanoi now has the highest debts of social, health and unemployment insurance, standing at 3,378 billion VND (148.8 million USD) owed by 23,955 enterprises, affecting the legitimate rights of 334,694 labourers.”
“There is a broad consensus among professional historians that the Vietnam War was effectively unwinnable. Even the revisionists admit their minority status, though some claim that it’s because of a deep-seated liberal bias within the academic history profession. But doubts about the war’s winnability are hardly limited to the halls of academe. One can readily find them in the published works of official Army historians like Dr. Jeffrey J. Clarke, whose book “Advice and Support: The Final Years, 1965-1973” h
“We carefully studied this contingency. “Preventive war” would result in hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of casualties. Metropolitan Seoul’s 26 million people are only 35 miles from the border, within easy range of the North’s missiles and artillery. About 23,000 United States troops, plus their families, live between Seoul and the Demilitarized Zone; in total, at least 200,000 Americans reside in South Korea.
Japan, and almost 40,000 United States military personnel there, would also be in the cross hairs. The risk to American territory cannot be discounted, nor the prospect of China being drawn into a direct conflict with the United States. Then there would be the devastating impact of war on the global economy.”
“. . . By most assessments, Mr. Kim is vicious and impetuous, but not irrational. Thus, while we quietly continue to refine our military options, we can rely on traditional deterrence by making crystal clear that any use of nuclear weapons against the United States or its allies would result in annihilation of North Korea. Defense Secretary James Mattis struck this tone on Wednesday. The same red line must apply to any proof that North Korea has transferred nuclear weapons to another state or nonstate actor.
Second, to avoid blundering into a costly war, the United States needs to immediately halt the reckless rhetoric. John Kelly, Mr. Trump’s chief of staff, must assert control over the White House, including his boss, and curb the Trump surrogates whipping up Cuban missile crisis fears.
Third, we must enhance our antimissile systems and other defenses, and those of our allies, which need our reassurances more than ever.”
I posted the following at the NYT:
Excellent analysis and reporting by Susan Rice. I would add, I read a good idea by a commentator at the NYT who suggested, the US should woo North Korea into a de-escalation. We could, for example. offer to pull our military forces out of South Korea in exchange for their giving up their nuclear weapons program. It would be useful if talks could start, aimed at giving both countries what they want or need. I add to the commentators idea, it might be necessary to let the North Koreans keep the nuclear weapons that they have. This might be acceptable, if we could get them to allow verification that they stop all further development. I continue to be depressed by most of the discussion. It is arrogance for the US to think that it has to be in charge of North Korea, when they are China’s neighbor and vassal state. We should remind ourselves continually, that this part of the world is not our backyard, but China’s.
David Lindsay is about to publish his book, The Tay Son Rebellion, Historical Fiction of Eighteenth-century Vietnam.
“As Menzies saw it, the risk in American policy was not strategic overreach but isolationism, and what an American withdrawal from Asia in the face of defeat would mean for Australia and its neighbors. As a young man of military age during World War I, and as a youthful prime minister at the outbreak of World War II, he knew how painful it was for Britain and its dominions to be at war without America. The crucial step, it seemed, was to ensure American commitment: Once that was achieved, victory would be certain. Australia’s “forward defense” strategy after 1945 was to make small, but effective, military commitments in order to keep both Britain and the United States, which Menzies called “our great and powerful friends,” committed to Southeast Asia.
Australians had good reason to believe in the domino theory. Since 1945 Southeast Asia had been a caldron of conflicts created by the complex combination of decolonization, the Cold War and longstanding local rivalries. By 1964 the region seemed to be at a tipping point. Malaysia was facing a confrontation with Indonesia, where the world’s third-largest Communist party was exerting increasing influence. Although not a Communist, Indonesia’s President Sukarno had received arms from the Soviet Union and boasted of his close ideological ties with China, North Korea and North Vietnam.”
“HÀ NỘI – China’s construction and opening of a cinema on Phú Lâm island in Việt Nam’s Hoàng Sa (Paracel) archipelago violates Việt Nam’s sovereignty over the archipelago, said Vietnamese Foreign Ministry’s Spokesperson Lê Thị Thu Hằng.Hằng made the statement yesterday in response to reporters’ queries about Việt Nam’s reaction to Chinese activities on Phú Lâm island.“Việt Nam has full legal foundation and historical evidence to affirm its sovereignty over the Hoàng Sa and Trường Sa (Spratly) archipelagos,” she said.”China’s actions violate international law and cannot change Việt Nam’s sovereignty over the archipelagos,” she affirmed.”Việt Nam objects to China’s building and opening of the cinema and requests the country not to repeat similar actions,” the spokesperson stated.”